Living as we do in a so called sovereign nation state, I am sceptical of the need for a recognised state. It is obvious if a people are victims of an aggressor but even another recognised state is not free from predators. Even then, independence is always partial, being open then to global non state entities, arguably stronger and predatory than neighbouring states.
We return to the problem of how to live well, which on some level I believe means the eschewing of present global systems of economy and governance. The state is a component of that system.
Going against it is a form of provocation which can destroy movements and the people of the Western Sahara may turn out to be wiser in time. There are subtle forms of resistance and 'violence' (in the sense of dismantling the present ecocidal/genocidal systems). This resistance is ultimately generative and works at more regional and localised levels than the state and has more hope of delivering the good life.
Yes, I think I agree with you. I don't see new states as the whole answer. However, I cannot deny the wishes of Kosovars, Saharawis, Somalilanders for their own state. It is an overwhelming wish and must be respected. Having sovereignty in your country is perhaps one necessary step towards reclaiming a more general self-determination. I write about this in my forthcoming book. Thank you for the comment.
Very interesting article. I was surprised by your comment about Polisario not having returned to armed struggle however (so much so that I checked the dateline on the article). I have a friend who was part of the UN mission in 2024, who was bemoaning the inadequacy of the mandate, not just because the referendum they are meant to be securibg is 30 years overdue, but because the area is once again an active combat zone, with Polisario units operating out of Algeria launching attacks on the berm and Morocco launching attacks against any moving vehicle not displaying UN markings east of the berm. He talked of Polisario having returned to armed struggle a few years ago - is this violence not 'declared' on their part?
Sorry for the slow reply. I'm appalled to say that I didn't know about the renewed fighting. As you can tell, I've lost touch with the issue, after many years of being closely involved with the Polisario. Thank you for letting me know this.
I wonder if there is scope for the two main former colonial P5 powers, and perhaps with China , to champion this with a group of like-minded countries across the continents. The other two P5 powers, which are both very much still colonial powers waging colonial wars, obviously can't.
I was involved in the Balkans as head of FCO OSCE/Council of Europe Department(1993-07), Ambassador to Croatia (1997--2000), Deputy High Representative in BiH (Mostar, 2001), and Permanent Representative to the OSCE (2003-07). Dayton did not deal with Kosovo which is where the breakup of Yugoslavia began. I took the view in Vienna (UK EU Presidency in 2005) that the Kosovo independence would not work because four EU states (Spain, Slovakia, Cyprus, Greece) and Romania, would oppose it, as would Russia. The Russian Perm rep (Borodavkin whom I knew very well) explained to me on our visits to Kosovo that Russia would not recognise Kosovo as independent, and if it came about would exploit it in relation to Georgia. The FCO did not want me to visit Kosovo in 2004 after the riots, although that was where the OSCE had its largest field mission, because the OSCE was "status neutral." As a consensus based organisation it had to be. I argued that after the NATO intervention, we - EU/NATO/US - were in a powerful position. We should have devised a fig leaf to satisfy the Serbs, as in the case of Bosnia after the Austrians took over the country in 1878. The Sultan in Constantinople was still nominally in charge. The trouble only started with annexation in 1908. And again there was the German example. The FRG never recognised the GDR as a foreign country. The Germans were running the OSCE mission at the time. We should have devised some ambiguous status that protected the Kosovar Albanians who were beholden to us. But no, I remember a distinguished British diplomat telling the Serbs in Kosovo that they would be citizens of the new "nation" of Kosovo. I was interested in the OSCE mission job in 2007, but the FCO would not support me because I was unsound on the status issue. We now do have an excellent British diplomat running the OSCE mission in Kosovo. I predict with some confidence that Kosovo will be like Somaliland, Western Sahara etc. The 30th anniversary of Dayton is coming up. But BiH is not a viable state. The scope for Russian and Chinese meddling in the Balkans is growing. I would be surprised if Kosovo becomes a universally recognised state in my lifetime.
Fascinating article! What is the role of supranational bodies or are they all simply proxies for their most powerful members? How do you see Britain’s own handling of its constituent ethnic groups - you mention the Scottish Referendum but what about Wales and Northern Ireland? Do you see the number of ethnic groups seeking independent states increasing or decreasing in this century?
Living as we do in a so called sovereign nation state, I am sceptical of the need for a recognised state. It is obvious if a people are victims of an aggressor but even another recognised state is not free from predators. Even then, independence is always partial, being open then to global non state entities, arguably stronger and predatory than neighbouring states.
We return to the problem of how to live well, which on some level I believe means the eschewing of present global systems of economy and governance. The state is a component of that system.
Going against it is a form of provocation which can destroy movements and the people of the Western Sahara may turn out to be wiser in time. There are subtle forms of resistance and 'violence' (in the sense of dismantling the present ecocidal/genocidal systems). This resistance is ultimately generative and works at more regional and localised levels than the state and has more hope of delivering the good life.
Yes, I think I agree with you. I don't see new states as the whole answer. However, I cannot deny the wishes of Kosovars, Saharawis, Somalilanders for their own state. It is an overwhelming wish and must be respected. Having sovereignty in your country is perhaps one necessary step towards reclaiming a more general self-determination. I write about this in my forthcoming book. Thank you for the comment.
Very interesting article. I was surprised by your comment about Polisario not having returned to armed struggle however (so much so that I checked the dateline on the article). I have a friend who was part of the UN mission in 2024, who was bemoaning the inadequacy of the mandate, not just because the referendum they are meant to be securibg is 30 years overdue, but because the area is once again an active combat zone, with Polisario units operating out of Algeria launching attacks on the berm and Morocco launching attacks against any moving vehicle not displaying UN markings east of the berm. He talked of Polisario having returned to armed struggle a few years ago - is this violence not 'declared' on their part?
Sorry for the slow reply. I'm appalled to say that I didn't know about the renewed fighting. As you can tell, I've lost touch with the issue, after many years of being closely involved with the Polisario. Thank you for letting me know this.
No problem, glad to be of help. Thank you for your fascinating writings, especially on Rojave.
I wonder if there is scope for the two main former colonial P5 powers, and perhaps with China , to champion this with a group of like-minded countries across the continents. The other two P5 powers, which are both very much still colonial powers waging colonial wars, obviously can't.
Yes not a bad idea, though I would prefer the initiative to come from ex-empire states, but they too are resistant to new states.
I was involved in the Balkans as head of FCO OSCE/Council of Europe Department(1993-07), Ambassador to Croatia (1997--2000), Deputy High Representative in BiH (Mostar, 2001), and Permanent Representative to the OSCE (2003-07). Dayton did not deal with Kosovo which is where the breakup of Yugoslavia began. I took the view in Vienna (UK EU Presidency in 2005) that the Kosovo independence would not work because four EU states (Spain, Slovakia, Cyprus, Greece) and Romania, would oppose it, as would Russia. The Russian Perm rep (Borodavkin whom I knew very well) explained to me on our visits to Kosovo that Russia would not recognise Kosovo as independent, and if it came about would exploit it in relation to Georgia. The FCO did not want me to visit Kosovo in 2004 after the riots, although that was where the OSCE had its largest field mission, because the OSCE was "status neutral." As a consensus based organisation it had to be. I argued that after the NATO intervention, we - EU/NATO/US - were in a powerful position. We should have devised a fig leaf to satisfy the Serbs, as in the case of Bosnia after the Austrians took over the country in 1878. The Sultan in Constantinople was still nominally in charge. The trouble only started with annexation in 1908. And again there was the German example. The FRG never recognised the GDR as a foreign country. The Germans were running the OSCE mission at the time. We should have devised some ambiguous status that protected the Kosovar Albanians who were beholden to us. But no, I remember a distinguished British diplomat telling the Serbs in Kosovo that they would be citizens of the new "nation" of Kosovo. I was interested in the OSCE mission job in 2007, but the FCO would not support me because I was unsound on the status issue. We now do have an excellent British diplomat running the OSCE mission in Kosovo. I predict with some confidence that Kosovo will be like Somaliland, Western Sahara etc. The 30th anniversary of Dayton is coming up. But BiH is not a viable state. The scope for Russian and Chinese meddling in the Balkans is growing. I would be surprised if Kosovo becomes a universally recognised state in my lifetime.
Fascinating article! What is the role of supranational bodies or are they all simply proxies for their most powerful members? How do you see Britain’s own handling of its constituent ethnic groups - you mention the Scottish Referendum but what about Wales and Northern Ireland? Do you see the number of ethnic groups seeking independent states increasing or decreasing in this century?